In studies of racialization in the United States

In studies of racialization in the United States, the eff ects of the immigrant
experience on the process, hence the diff erences between foreign- and
American-born-generation constructions of another ethnic group, have seldom been considered. As a bilingual scholar conversant with both Anglophone and Sinophone Chinese American literature, I have been struck by
how immigrant-generation writers in Chinese represent African American
characters in a negative light rarely seen in Anglophone works. Furthermore,
the negative portrayals draw upon many of the racist stereotypes prevalent
in the American cultural tradition—the very ones denounced and combatted by the Asian American movement of the 1960s and 1970s dominated
by English-monolingual, American-born activists. 1
Th is chapter considers
generational eff ects on racialization as seen in two related but contrasting
bodies of work. 2
African American characters are rare in both Anglophone and Sinophone
Chinese American literature, but even so their presence is revealing. Some
Anglophone writers active during or infl uenced by the Asian American
“cultural nationalist” period in the 1960s and 1970s have created black characters who are protectors and inspirers of the U.S-born Chinese characters.
In Maxine Hong Kingston’s autobiographical Th e Woman Warrior (1976),
an unnamed black girl protects the protagonist from bullies as she walks from
school to her Stockton Chinatown home. In Ruthanne Lum McCunn’s historical fi ction Th ousand Pieces of Gold (1981), a black man tells Lalu Nathoy
about the freeing of slaves and thus inspires her to fi ght for her own freedom.
Generational Eff ects in Racialization
Representations of Afr ican Americans in
Sinophone Chinese American Literature
S au-l i n g C. W o n g
Copyright 2013. Columbia University Press.
All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
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AN: 619707 ; Shu-mei Shih, Chien-hsin Tsai, Brian Bernards.; Sinophone Studies : A Critical Reader
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In Gus Lee’s 1991 autobiography China Boy, the black boy Toussaint teaches
street fighting to the protagonist so that he can survive in the rough San Francisco neighborhood to which his immigrant father, in reduced circumstances,
has moved the family. And in Gish Jen’s 1996 novel Mona in the Promised
Land, Naomi, the accomplished and militant Harvard roommate of Callie,
teaches both Callie and her sister Mona the tenets of the Black Power movement, causing Callie to turn into a politically conscious “Asian American,”
much to the consternation of her conservative immigrant parents.3
It is a historical fact that the Asian American movement indeed based
its concept of “Yellow Power” on the “Black Power” model. Among the
American-born Chinese activists and writers who spearheaded the movement, blacks were often admired for their outspokenness and radicalism.
Frank Chin is well known for advocating an emulative form of “Negroization
of the Chinese” (see following)—he considers assimilated Chinese Americans to be Uncle Toms while holding up defiant, aggressive blacks as masculine role models for Asian American men.4
In recent years, scholarship in
(or influenced by) the comparative ethnic studies tradition has increasingly
focused on Asian-black cultural interactions.5
The belief in yellow-black solidarity that animated cultural nationalism
has deep historical roots. Yellows (in this discussion, limited to Chinese
Americans) and blacks share a long history of shared exploitation and discrimination at the hands of whites—a common fate epitomized by the
“Negroization of the Chinese” first identified by historian Dan Caldwell in
Both groups have a history of traumatic, forcible removal and dispersal: the Middle Passage for black slaves, and the “selling of pigs” for Chinese
In the building of the American nation, yellows in the West and
blacks in the South were both exploited for their labor, regarded as subhuman by whites, and targeted for violence and discrimination.8
While a small number of Sinophone Chinese American works express a
sense of yellow-black solidarity,9
more commonly, when African American
characters appear in Sinophone Chinese American writing by the first generation, they are dehumanized to the point of caricature. Across the decades,
from the short fiction of pro-Communist, working-class writers of New York
Chinatown in the late 1940s, through the voluminous works of liuxuesheng
wenxue (“foreign-student literature” or “study-abroad literature”) produced
by intellectuals of Taiwanese origin in the 1960s through the 1980s, to the
immigrant writers from the People’s Republic of China since the 1980s, especially working-class producers of caogen wenxue (“grassroots literature”), a
common racial code operates that uses “blackness” to define and enhance
“Chineseness.” Black characters may be used to signal the lower limits of the
Chinese immigrants’ social fall, to serve as stepping stones for their upward
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G E N E R A T I O N A L E F F E C T S I N R A C I A L I Z A T I O N 377
climb, to salve their damaged ethnic pride, or to reinforce their sense of moral
superiority. Blacks become the screen onto which Chinese immigrants project their disavowed desires, in a process that is heavily gendered and sexualized and typically classed as well.
The derogation of black characters in Sinophone Chinese American literature is partly a reflection of the American racial order. Immigrants often
arrive with already-formed racist notions about blacks, from American media
images spread abroad. At the same time, as noted by Claire Kim in her theory
of “racial triangulation,” the positioning of a racialized group is defined not
only in a vertical hierarchy of status from the “superior” to the “inferior” but
also in a horizontal array of belongingness from “foreigner” to “insider.”10
While Asian Americans may be placed higher than African Americans on the
vertical axis, the former’s history of putatively voluntary immigration marks
them as more foreign than the latter with its history of indisputably “American”
slavery. Immigrants are especially vulnerable to the charge of alienness. Given
such unstable positioning, depending on shifts in historical conditions, and
influenced by mainstream society’s fluctuating ideological demands to play
yellows against blacks in moments of crisis, a sense of yellow-black divergence
rather than yellow-black solidarity is readily invoked by Chinese immigrants
to ward off the threat of status loss. African Americans become a crucial
boundary marker for Chinese immigrant identity in America’s multiracial
society, and the presence of blacks serves to index the strategies of identity
negotiation deployed by some first-generation writers on behalf of their
Chinese immigrant characters.
A few examples will suffice to illustrate this process at work. First, I will
examine two stories by Cong Su, a writer from Taiwan active in the 1960s
and 1970s. In a story tellingly entitled “The Chinese” (Zhongguoren, completed in 1978), we have a variation of an extremely common theme: “the
foreign student (liuxuesheng) sells his/her soul.” In a love triangle, the female
liuxuesheng Shen Meng dumps her historian boyfriend, Wen Chaofeng, in
the American South and marries a successful and assimilated computer scientist in New York City. An aborted attempt to revive the relationship and
elope with Shen Meng leaves Wen dejected and pacing the streets near the
train station. He runs into a working-class Chinese immigrant, an illegal alien
named Ding Changgui, who at that point is battling two black muggers. Ding
beats them back. His indomitable fighting spirit inspires Wen to put his past
behind him and learn to be a real Chinese (zhongguoren) in his heart.
In this scene, Ding is made to represent the ideal, unadulterated Chinese,
one who has not sold out like Shen Meng, or even Wen himself, a middleclass intellectual tormented by questions of assimilation. Ding’s zhongguoren
identity is built up from an intricately interwoven set of gender, class, and
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racial attributes. For example, the Chinese character for the surname, Ding, is
already thoroughly gendered in traditional Chinese culture, denoting a fullgrown male individual in the reckoning of family membership, community
strength, and so forth. Changgui, which can be read as short for changming
fugui (“long life and wealth”), is the sort of unsophisticated, earthy name
favored by peasants expressing unabashed wishes for physical and material
well-being. This confers upon Ding a sort of grassroots, unmediated, and
unintellectualized national identity tied to the vast Chinese earth itself. Not
only is Ding’s immigrant Chinese identity couched in terms of native Chinese
tradition, but it is constructed at the expense of the two black characters—
the muggers. In contrast to the way they are reduced to brute physicality in
mainstream stereotypes, the muggers are described as short and scrawny like
“toy soldiers” and like “flies around a piece of watermelon.”11 Ding is the dignified, hardworking Chinese while the black men are shameless, lazy petty
thieves and wannabe thugs. Ding calls them “bastards,” “black Puerto Rican
devils,” and “two monkeys.”12 These vicious insults echo the epithets hurled at
early Chinese immigrants by whites. Yet not only does the name-calling not
diminish Ding in Wen’s eyes, but it stirs Wen’s blood with nationalism until
Ding gradually “grows taller, grows larger” in front of his eyes. Ding is now like
“an enduring, unmovable little mountain,” and Wen is on the verge of tears.13
In another of Cong Su’s short stories called “This Half of My Life” (Zan
zhe banbeizi), we learn that Ding has been involved in a marriage of expediency, a “green card marriage.” Having jumped ship in New York, Ding has
no way to stay in the United States except by undergoing marriage for a fee
with a black woman who has citizenship, then divorcing her after getting his
green card or permanent residency. However, the author creates an unmistakable impression that Ding is forced by circumstances to resort to this charade and is free from blame for cultural betrayal. The demeaning manner in
which the woman and her male companion are described evokes the worst
of mainstream American stereotypes of the black body, which is dehumanized and fragmented into a collection of exaggerated physical attributes, especially sexual characteristics. The entrance of the “bride” and his companion is
depicted in farcical terms:
The meatball is a middle-aged woman in her 40s or 50s, her barrel-shaped
body wrapped in red: red sweater, red pants, big boobs, big ass. . . . Her
entire body is like an overcooked piece of tofu, puffy and swollen. On her
shiny black face are a pair of staring eyes rolled up with too much white
showing, an upturned nose, and beneath it a huge mouth, the lips like two
crushed sausages painted blood-red. The full head of bristle-like hair is
dyed a burnt yellow.14
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G E N E R A T I O N A L E F F E C T S I N R A C I A L I Z A T I O N 379
Cong Su represents Ding’s racist reaction as a positive sentiment, a sign of
Chinese integrity or backbone (guqi). Thus a voluntary business transaction,
in which both parties should be equal, and equally responsible, partners,
is portrayed as featuring a victimizer and a victim. Ding’s disavowed desire
to partake of the goodies of America by getting a green card is projected as
vicious greed on the part of the black woman. The economic circumstances
informing Cong Su’s story might have suggested a sense of yellow-black solidarity, with poor, limited-English-speaking Chinese immigrants occupying
the same urban space as Puerto Ricans racialized as black, and both groups
being forced to cooperate for economic survival. Instead, Cong Su has turned
to racist representations of blacks as a means of maintaining a sense of a viable, admirable male Chinese diasporic identity in the face of adversity.
Finally, I turn to a recent short story called “Strange Encounters in a Mansion” (Haozhai qiyuan) by a writer from the People’s Republic of China
(PRC), Lao Nan, published in 1997, to show the extent to which Sinophone
writers from diverse origins and different time periods share the same racial
code while constructing Chinese diasporic identity. In this fantasy of the
Chinese immigrant’s economic, cultural, and moral vindication, Ma Lang,
a fifty-eight-year-old male immigrant from southern China and a Russian
major in college, has trouble getting a job in San Francisco. He finally finds
a housekeeper position in a fancy mansion. The aristocratic, half-Chinese
and half-Kazakh, and bibliophilic mistress favors him for his educated background. This provokes the jealousy of the original housekeeper, a black
woman named Diana, who feels displaced and threatened. To this end, she
tries to engineer a falling out between Ma Lang and the mistress, but to no
avail. Diana is eventually expelled, and the mistress asks Ma’s wife to replace
Diana, as well as refer more Chinese workers to her.
In this recent story, as in Cong Su’s earlier ones, African Americans are
called upon to help define the Chinese immigrant’s diasporic Chinese identity, at the expense of the dignity of the blacks themselves. Although the
mistress is herself a relative newcomer to American society and has some Chinese blood, her half-whiteness, aristocratic upbringing, and immense wealth
allow her to be constructed as white, or at least as a stand-in for the white
society within Ma’s reach. Serving her then becomes a symbol of acceptance
by the powerful class; steady employment means securing a clearly defined
“place” in American society, and the yellow and the black end up in naked
economic competition. Diana is conscious of her unstable positioning in the
racial triangle; her advantage on the foreigner/insider dimension (note she
is the “original” housekeeper) may be canceled out by Ma’s advantage along
the superiority/inferiority axis (more education, more refined aesthetic sensibility, closer cultural affinities with the employer). Hence her resentment
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and desperate machinations. Through the economic outcome of the story
(his triumph includes seeing Diana fired, securing Ma’s housekeeper job; and
getting Ma’s wife and friends employed, in other words, becoming a sort of
foreman), Lao Nan vindicates Ma’s “superiority,” which is also presented as a
matter of cultural assets and, in the last analysis, of moral fiber.
In order to highlight the contrast between the upright Chinese man and
the ignoble black woman, Lao Nan employs every trick in the racial imagery book, applying to Diana the same demeaning, fragmenting, animalizing
images that Cong Su had used two decades earlier:
The woman was very fat. If not for the big, round eyes and thick, black
lips as well as the two rows of snow-white teeth, one would have thought
a black bear was standing there. Ma Lang had never seen people with this
skin color. The moment they met, he sensed a repulsive stench coming
from her.15
Beast-like in appearance, Diana is also beast-like in her lack of morals. She
schemes to get Ma into trouble with the boss (which then backfires on herself). What is more, she is grossly oversexed—another white stereotype of
blacks that the Chinese immigrant writer uncritically inherits. One night,
while Ma is suffering from insomnia, he senses Diana breaking into his bedroom wearing a diaphanous nightgown (“thin as a cicada’s wings,” as the
Sinophone expression goes):
Ma was about to open his eyes when he felt Diana leaning down to plant
a kiss on his cheek. Then she started caressing and gently squeezing his
private parts. . . . Diana held on tightly to the Chinese man as to a prey, as
if she feared it would escape.16
When Ma resists, Diana threatens: “If you don’t do as I say, I will scream that
you’re trying to rape me!”17
In this reversal of a common sexual drama—a man trying to rape a woman
and threatening to tell on her—Lao Nan has assembled another wishfulfillment fantasy to preserve the masculinity (hence the Chineseness) of the
immigrant man. In mainstream American culture, Asian men have long been
the victims of symbolic castration, and middle-aged, lightly assimilated recent
immigrant men are especially dismissed as objects of sexual desire.18 Lao Nan’s
“black woman attempting to rape yellow man” scenario rehabilitates the immigrant man’s sexual desirability. At the same time, because the desire originates
from a black woman, Ma Lang is free to refuse her—indeed, is obligated to
refuse her—and thus preserve his moral superiority as a Chinese intellectual.19
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G E N E R A T I O N A L E F F E C T S I N R A C I A L I Z A T I O N 381
Black Americans are thus an integral, albeit frequently obscured, component in the mechanisms of Chinese diasporic identity construction. An
examination of the meaning of the black presence in the fiction by and about
yellow immigrants compels us to reconsider such common but potentially
essentialist terms as “Chinese identity,” “Chineseness,” and even “Chinese
culture.” Using a more materialist perspective, and locating Chinese immigrants squarely in the multiracial environment of the United States, I will
analyze the process of simultaneous construction of the identity of yellows
and blacks (typically with the whites implicated, even if not named), as well
as the complex gender, sexuality, and class dimensions in the identity negotiations of Chinese immigrants.
While yellow-black antagonism is certainly not limited to the first generation, immigrants have been more susceptible to what Barry Sautman has
identified as “theories of East Asian intellectual and behavioral superiority
and discourse of ‘race differences,’”20 and with the increasing prominence of
the foreign-born in the Chinese American population (as much as 72 percent,
according to the 2000 U.S. Census),21 whatever ethnocentric tendencies
attributable to discourses of superiority could only be magnified. The model
minority image, which arose in response to the agitations by people of color
in the 1960s, has been eagerly embraced by many Chinese immigrants. There
is also the perception of “demotion” from the majority to a minority—only
one among many minorities, and not even the largest or most respected one.
However hard life has been before immigration, Chinese subjects (at least
Han ones) could still consider themselves part of the “natural” population of
the nation; once in the United States, however, the immigrants are “lumped
together,” willy-nilly, with other groups of color. This coming down in the
world is especially and acutely felt by those belonging to the elite in China
before emigration. As the protagonist in Gish Jen’s novel Mona in the Promised
Land says of her immigrant parents: “They say they were never a minority
when they were in China, why should they be a minority now?”22 This is a
sentiment that many Chinese immigrants subscribe to and that is occasionally reflected in Sinophone Chinese American writing. The kind of respect or
admiration for blacks expressed by writers like Frank Chin or Gus Lee might
strike these immigrants as utterly incomprehensible.
Given all this, then, Chinese immigrants must be understood as existing
not simply in an amorphous or homogenous “American society” or “American culture” but in an internally diverse social environment comprised of
differentially racialized groups. According to Claire Jean Kim’s theoretical
model of “racial triangulation,” the positioning of a racialized group is defined
not only in a vertical hierarchy of status from the “superior” to the “inferior,”
but also in a horizontal array of belongingness from “foreigner” to “insider.”
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On the vertical axis of a graph, yellows would be positioned below whites
and above blacks. However, the history of putatively voluntary immigration
marks them as more foreign than blacks, who, because of their history of
forced slavery, cannot be seen as other than an integral part of American society. Thus, on the horizontal axis, yellows would be located to the left (the
“foreigner” end) while whites and blacks are on their right.
This kind of multidimensional complexity provides maneuvering room
for the ideological needs of white society. When the dominant group needs to
divert attention from its responsibility for racial injustice, yellows are lauded
for their industry, discipline, and contentment with the status quo, and other
“model minority” attributes, thereby turning the sociostructural problems
of blacks into private, personal failures. In other words, the superiority/
inferiority dimension is invoked. On the other hand, when yellows need to
be curtailed, the foreigner/insider dimension comes into play. Yellows are
represented as the Yellow Peril—culturally unassimilable and ideologically
suspect perpetual foreigners, whose claims to Americanness (and any of its
attendant privileges) are much more recent and shaky than those of blacks,
and therefore deserving of the latter’s enmity. The points on the racial triangle
are thus not fixed but highly unstable, creating a lot of space for a racialized
subject’s identity negotiations.
What is remarkable about the two sets of stories analyzed herein is that,
despite vast differences in authorship, setting, and characters, the same racial
lexicon is drawn upon, and the same racialization maneuvers are made, in
order to subtend the protagonist’s diasporic Chinese identity. The same
dehumanization of black characters is deployed to underwrite the protagonist’s idealized Chinese diasporic identity in gendered and sexualized terms.
This suggests an enduring role for race as an experiential substrate as well as
an interpretive medium.
This chapter is adapted and translated from my “The Yellow and the Black: Chinese and
Blacks in the Works of Chinese Writers in America” (Huang yu hei: meiguo huawen zuojia bijia
de huaren yu heiren) in a special issue on Sinophone American literature (Meiguo Huawen
wenxue), ed. Te-hsing Shan, Zhongwai wenxue [Chung Wai literary monthly] 34, no. 4 (2005):
15–54. The original includes close readings of a number of short stories from the 1940s to
the 1990s. From the original acknowledgments, I wish to reiterate my gratitude to Te-hsing
Shan for the invitation to contribute in Chinese; Iyko Day for her tireless and expert research
assistance; and Sylvia Chan for bringing to my attention Claire Jean Kim’s theory of racial
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G E N E R A T I O N A L E F F E C T S I N R A C I A L I Z A T I O N 383
1. For the limited purposes of this essay, “first-generation” and “Sinophone” are used more
or less interchangeably, as are “U.S.-born generation” and “Anglophone.” However, there are a
significant number of immigrant writers who publish in English. I am not aware of Americanborn Chinese writers publishing in Chinese. My usage of “Sinophone” here is strictly descriptive to distinguish Chinese American works written in the Sinitic script from those written
in English. It differs from Shu-mei Shih’s much broader and theoretically substantive usage of
the term in the introduction to this volume.
2. A note on terminology: Whenever racial or race is used in this essay, the assumption is
that the term does not refer to a biologically defined population but to a socially constructed
identity. Thus, for example, Puerto Ricans are referred to as “black” without qualification
when an author describes them as “black.” All terms used to refer to a racialized group are
necessarily suffused with history and evoke different connotations. Labels like Negro, Colored,
Black (capitalized), black (lower case) African American (without hyphen), African-American
(with hyphen), and so forth, each has its adherents and detractors. For the limited purposes
of this essay, I use African American and black more or less interchangeably.
3. Maxine Hong Kingston, The Woman Warrior: Memoir of a Girlhood Among Ghosts (New
York: Knopf, 1976); Ruthanne Lum McCunn, Thousand Pieces of Gold: A Biographical Novel
(San Francisco: Design Enterprises of San Francisco, 1981); Gus Lee, China Boy (New York:
Dutton, 1991); and Gish Jen, Mona in the Promised Land (New York: Knopf, 1996).
4. See Frank Chin, “Confessions of a Chinatown Cowboy,” Bulletin of Concerned Asian
Scholars (Fall 1972): 58–70; and “Back-Talk,” in Counterpoint: Perspectives on Asian America,
ed. Emma Gee (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1976), 556–557.
5. This is a burgeoning area of research. A number of scholars using ethnic studies methodology have traced Asian-black connections, including Daniel Y. Kim, Writing Manhood in Black and
Yellow: Ralph Ellison, Frank Chin, and the Literary Politics of Identity (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford
University Press, 2005); James Kyung-Jin Lee, Urban Triage: Race and the Fictions of Multiculturalism (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2004); Julia Hyoun Joo Lee, “Almost American: Narratives of Inclusion in Asian American and African American Literatures, 1896–1937”
(PhD diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 2005); and LeiLani Nishime, “‘I’m Blackanese’: Buddy-Cop Films, Rush Hour, and Asian American and African American Cross-Racial
Identification,” in Asian North American Identities: Beyond the Hyphen, ed. Eleanor Rose Ty and
Donald C. Goellnicht (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2004), 43–60.
6. Dan Caldwell, “The Negroization of the Chinese Stereotype in California,” Southern
California Quarterly 53, no. 2 ( June 1971): 123–131.
7. The “selling of pigs” (mai zhuzai) is a slang term referring to the so-called “coolie trade,”
which often involved kidnapping, trickery, and abusive treatment. “Coolies” were shipped in
vessels under inhumane conditions reminiscent of those on slave ships.
8. This is, of course, a highly simplified account. A study like Jung’s illustrates the immense
complexities in racialization and other matters in a given yellow-black connection.
9. For example, see Xiang Cha’s “New Year’s Banquet” (Chunyan) and Bai Fei’s “An
Afternoon in Late Autumn” (Yige shenqiu de xiawu), both of which are short stories from a
short-lived literary magazine entitled The Bud (Xinmiao), which was published in New York’s
Chinatown in the late 1940s.
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10. Claire Jean Kim, “The Racial Triangulation of Asian Americans,” Politics and Society 27,
no. 1 (March 1999): 105–138.
11. Cong Su, Zhongguoren [The Chinese] (Taipei: Shibao wenhua, 1978), 232–233.
12. Ibid., 232–238.
13. Ibid., 237.
14. Cong Su, “This Half of My Life” (Zan zhe ban beizi), in Haiwai huaren zuojia xiaoshuo
xuan [Selected short stories by overseas Chinese writers] (Hong Kong: Sanlian shudian
Xianggang fendian, 1983), 416.
15. Lao Nan, Haozhai qiyuan [Strange encounters in a mansion] (Shenyang: Shenyang
chubanshi, 1997), 220.
16. Ibid., 232.
17. Ibid.
18. Early male Chinese immigrants were portrayed as sexual perverts who lured innocent
white women into opium dens and laundries in order to violate them (Ronald T. Takaki, Iron
Cages: Race and Culture in 19th Century America, rev. ed. [New York: Oxford University Press,
2000], 217; Tomas Almaguer, Racial Faultlines: The Historical Origins of White Supremacy in
California [Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994], 160). That these images are not of
“desexualization” or “emasculation” does not, however, mean that Chinese men were considered socially approved objects of sexual desire.
19. Xiao-huang Yin suggests a different ideological valence and function for Chinese
immigrant men’s sexual liaisons with white women depicted in Sinophone Chinese American
literature. See Xiao-huang Yin, Chinese American Literature since the 1850s (Urbana: University
of Illinois Press, 2000), 165–166.
20. Barry Sautman, “Theories of East Asian Intellectual and Behavioral Superiority and
Discourses of ‘Race Differences,’” positions: east asia cultures critique 4, no. 3 (1996): 519–567.
21. Yu Xie and Kimberly A. Goyette, A Demographic Portrait of Asian Americans (New
York: Russell Sage Foundation / Washington, D.C.: Population Reference Bureau, 2004).
22. Gish Jen, Mona in the Promised Land, 52.
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What discipline/subjects do you deal in?

We have highlighted some of the most popular subjects we handle above. Those are just a tip of the iceberg. We deal in all academic disciplines since our writers are as diverse. They have been drawn from across all disciplines, and orders are assigned to those writers believed to be the best in the field. In a nutshell, there is no task we cannot handle; all you need to do is place your order with us. As long as your instructions are clear, just trust we shall deliver irrespective of the discipline.

Are your writers competent enough to handle my paper?

Our essay writers are graduates with bachelor's, masters, Ph.D., and doctorate degrees in various subjects. The minimum requirement to be an essay writer with our essay writing service is to have a college degree. All our academic writers have a minimum of two years of academic writing. We have a stringent recruitment process to ensure that we get only the most competent essay writers in the industry. We also ensure that the writers are handsomely compensated for their value. The majority of our writers are native English speakers. As such, the fluency of language and grammar is impeccable.

What if I don’t like the paper?

There is a very low likelihood that you won’t like the paper.

Reasons being:

  • When assigning your order, we match the paper’s discipline with the writer’s field/specialization. Since all our writers are graduates, we match the paper’s subject with the field the writer studied. For instance, if it’s a nursing paper, only a nursing graduate and writer will handle it. Furthermore, all our writers have academic writing experience and top-notch research skills.
  • We have a quality assurance that reviews the paper before it gets to you. As such, we ensure that you get a paper that meets the required standard and will most definitely make the grade.

In the event that you don’t like your paper:

  • The writer will revise the paper up to your pleasing. You have unlimited revisions. You simply need to highlight what specifically you don’t like about the paper, and the writer will make the amendments. The paper will be revised until you are satisfied. Revisions are free of charge
  • We will have a different writer write the paper from scratch.
  • Last resort, if the above does not work, we will refund your money.

Will the professor find out I didn’t write the paper myself?

Not at all. All papers are written from scratch. There is no way your tutor or instructor will realize that you did not write the paper yourself. In fact, we recommend using our assignment help services for consistent results.

What if the paper is plagiarized?

We check all papers for plagiarism before we submit them. We use powerful plagiarism checking software such as SafeAssign, LopesWrite, and Turnitin. We also upload the plagiarism report so that you can review it. We understand that plagiarism is academic suicide. We would not take the risk of submitting plagiarized work and jeopardize your academic journey. Furthermore, we do not sell or use prewritten papers, and each paper is written from scratch.

When will I get my paper?

You determine when you get the paper by setting the deadline when placing the order. All papers are delivered within the deadline. We are well aware that we operate in a time-sensitive industry. As such, we have laid out strategies to ensure that the client receives the paper on time and they never miss the deadline. We understand that papers that are submitted late have some points deducted. We do not want you to miss any points due to late submission. We work on beating deadlines by huge margins in order to ensure that you have ample time to review the paper before you submit it.

Will anyone find out that I used your services?

We have a privacy and confidentiality policy that guides our work. We NEVER share any customer information with third parties. Noone will ever know that you used our assignment help services. It’s only between you and us. We are bound by our policies to protect the customer’s identity and information. All your information, such as your names, phone number, email, order information, and so on, are protected. We have robust security systems that ensure that your data is protected. Hacking our systems is close to impossible, and it has never happened.

How our Assignment Help Service Works

1. Place an order

You fill all the paper instructions in the order form. Make sure you include all the helpful materials so that our academic writers can deliver the perfect paper. It will also help to eliminate unnecessary revisions.

2. Pay for the order

Proceed to pay for the paper so that it can be assigned to one of our expert academic writers. The paper subject is matched with the writer’s area of specialization.

3. Track the progress

You communicate with the writer and know about the progress of the paper. The client can ask the writer for drafts of the paper. The client can upload extra material and include additional instructions from the lecturer. Receive a paper.

4. Download the paper

The paper is sent to your email and uploaded to your personal account. You also get a plagiarism report attached to your paper.

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